After
clawing its way out of six years of near-stagnation, the
Indian economy is on the edge of being hurled back into
it in the next few days. Its fate will be determined by
the budget that the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance
will present to parliament on July 8. If this budget puts
growth before poverty alleviation the country will achieve
both. If it does the opposite, the country will achieve
neither. Unfortunately, most of the signals emanating
from the government ministries are pointing in the latter
direction.
The
first came in the new coalition''s common minimum programme.
This promised to raise the growth rate from the last five
years'' average of five per cent to between 7 and 8 per
cent, but said very little about how it would do so. In
sharp contrast, two thirds of it was devoted to describing
programmes designed to alleviate poverty and create jobs.
In particular it made precise commitments to double expenditure
on health and education and create an all-India rural
employment guarantee scheme that would cost Rs680 billion
over a five year span, but made only a vague commitment
to the raising investment in the infrastructure.
Investors
were particularly alarmed by the fact that all of this
additional money seemed earmarked for the already discredited
governmental health, education, and rural development
agencies. There was no mention anywhere of giving a more
prominent role to the private sector or of encouraging
private initiatives backed by public funds. The common
minimum programme thus conveyed the impression that after
ten years of loosening its stranglehold on the economy
the Indian state was about to reverse direction towards
a command economy, once again.
These
apprehensions have made the sensex, the Bombay Stock Exchange''s
share price index, drop by a thousand points, a drop of
17 per cent. Bond prices have also crashed, causing interest
rates to rise. The volume of shares traded daily on the
stock exchanges is only half of what was at the beginning
of June. All over the country investors have turned some
of their assets into cash, and are waiting to see whether
the budget will redress the balance in favour of growth
once again.
The
Indian economy is so finely poised on the edge of a boom
that it will take very little to start the upward climb
again. The stagnation that had gripped it ever since 1997
ended in June last year. In the next nine months the share
price index rose from below 3,000 to a peak of over 6,100.
Industrial growth rose from 5.2 per cent a year earlier
to 9.6 per cent in April. This came on top of the best
harvest in living memory.
As
a result private investment has come back to life after
a gap of seven years. Since the last quarter of 2003 there
has been a public offer of new shares virtually every
fortnight, and nearly all issues have been heavily oversubscribed.
All that the government therefore needs to do to sustain
the gathering impetus is give an unambiguous indication
that it will not sacrifice growth at the altar of redistribution.
The
signal that would reignite growth is a clear assignment
of priority to investment, especially in the infrastructure,
and a willingness to defer making concrete commitments
of expenditure on the social sectors till the resulting
spurt in growth provides the additional tax revenues needed
for the purpose. The signal would be even stronger if
the budget reduced some of the subsidies on food, fertiliser
and petroleum products that account for half of its current
account budget deficit, in order to increase the funds
available for investment.
But
a budget that emphasises social spending without telling
the public from where it will raise the money will feed
the fear that it will meet these commitments by further
reducing investment in the infrastructure. That will send
share prices spiralling downwards again and make the spurt
in private investment peter out. In its absence industrial
growth will also start to sink after another four months,
when farmers have finished spending the money they earned
by selling their produce and the ''festival season'' (September
-October), when industry pays its annual bonuses to its
workers, is over.
The
damage will not stop at growth. An even more serious side
effect will be to prevent the growth of employment. In
the past six years, for the first time in the country''s
history, the number of jobs in the modern, ''organised''
sector of the economy fell by more than a million. In
addition approximately 700,000 aspirants were turned away
every year. The acute insecurity this created was largely
responsible for the Vajpayee government''s unexpected defeat.
The
Congress was quick to seize upon this, and promised to
restore the rate of job creation to what it had been in
the mid-nineties, when it was last in power. But to do
that it needs to boost the growth rate back to the 7.2
per cent registered from 1993 to 1997. A return to slow,
jobless growth, will erode its legitimacy within
as little as eighteen months. Were that to happen its
capacity to deal with other difficult issues, such as
the settlement of the Kashmir dispute with Pakistan, would
not remain unaffected either.
*
The author, a noted analyst and commentator, is a former
editor of the Hindustan Times, The Economic
Times and The Financial Express,
and a former information adviser to the prime minister
of India. He is the author of several books including,
The Perilous Road to the Market: The Political Economy
of Reform in Russia, India and China, and
Kashmir 1947: The Origins of a Dispute, and a
regular columnist with several leading publications.
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